PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you so much. Thank you. Thank you, General Caslen, for that introduction. General Trainor, General Clarke, faculty and staff at West Point, you have been outstanding stewards of this proud institution and outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the United States Army.

I’d like to acknowledge the Army’s leadership -- General McHugh -- Secretary McHugh, General Odierno, as well as Senator Jack Reed who is here and a proud graduate of West Point himself. To the class of 2014, I congratulate you on taking your place on the Long Gray Line.

Among you is the first all-female command team: Erin Mauldin and Austen Boroff. In Calla Glavin, you have a Rhodes Scholar, and Josh Herbeck proves that West Point accuracy extends beyond the three point line. (Laughter.)

To the entire class, let me reassure you in these final hours at West Point, as commander in chief, I hereby absolve all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses. (Laughter, applause.)

Let me just say that nobody ever did that for me when I was in school.

I know you join me in extending a word of thanks to your families. Joe DeMoss, whose son James is graduating, spoke for a whole lot of parents when he wrote me a letter about the sacrifices you’ve made. “Deep inside,” he wrote, “we want to explode with pride at what they are committing to do in the service of our country.” Like several graduates, James is a combat veteran, and I would ask all of us here today to stand and pay tribute not only to the veterans among us, but to the more than 2.5 million Americans who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as their families. (Applause.)

It is a particularly useful time for America to reflect on those who’ve sacrificed so much for our freedom, a few days after Memorial Day. You are the first class to graduate since 9/11 who may not be sent into combat in Iraq or Afghanistan. (Cheers, applause.)

When I first spoke at West Point in 2009, we still had more than 100,000 troops in Iraq. We were preparing to surge in Afghanistan. Our counterterrorism efforts were focused on al-Qaida’s core leadership -- those who had carried out the 9/11 attacks. And our nation was just beginning a long climb out of the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.

Four and a half years later, as you graduate, the landscape has changed. We have removed our troops from Iraq. We are winding down our war in Afghanistan. Al-Qaida’s leadership on the border region between Pakistan and Afghanistan has been decimated, and Osama bin Laden is no more. (Cheers, applause.) And through it all, we’ve refocused our investments in what has always been a key source of American strength: a growing economy that can provide opportunity for everybody who’s willing to work hard and take responsibility here at home.

In fact, by most measures America has rarely been stronger relative to the rest of the world. Those who argue otherwise -- who suggest that America is in decline or has seen its global leadership slip away -- are either misreading history or engaged in partisan politics.

Think about it. Our military has no peer. The odds of a direct threat against us by any nation are low, and do not come close to the dangers we faced during the Cold War. Meanwhile, our economy remains the most dynamic on Earth, our businesses the most innovative. Each year, we grow more energy independent. From Europe to Asia, we are the hub of alliances unrivaled in the history of nations.

America continues to attract striving immigrants. The values of our founding inspire leaders in parliaments and new movements in public squares around the globe. And when a typhoon hits the Philippines, or schoolgirls are kidnapped in Nigeria, or masked men occupy a building in Ukraine, it is America that the world looks to for help. (Applause.) So the United States is and remains the one indispensable nation. That has been true for the century past, and it will be true for the century to come.

But the world is changing with accelerating speed. This presents opportunity, but also new dangers. We know all too well, after 9/11, just how technology and globalization has put power once reserved for states in the hands of individuals, raising the capacity of terrorists to do harm.

Russia’s aggression towards former Soviet states unnerves capitals in Europe while China’s economic rise and military reach worries its neighbors.

From Brazil to India, rising middle classes compete with us, and governments seek a greater say in global forums. And even as developing nations embrace democracy and market economies, 24-hour news and social media makes it impossible to ignore the continuation of sectarian conflicts, failing states and popular uprisings that might have received only passing notice a generation ago.

It will be your generation’s task to respond to this new world. The question we face, the question each of you will face, is not whether America will lead but how we will lead, not just to secure our peace and prosperity but also extend peace and prosperity around the globe.

Now, this question isn’t new. At least since George Washington served as commander in chief, there have been those who warned against foreign entanglements that do not touch directly on our security or economic well-being.

Today, according to self-described realists, conflicts in Syria or Ukraine or the Central African Republic are not ours to solve. And not surprisingly, after costly wars and continuing challenges here at home, that view is shared by many Americans.

A different view, from interventionists from the left and right, says that we ignore these conflicts at our own peril, that America’s willingness to apply force around the world is the ultimate safeguard against chaos, and America’s failure to act in the face of Syrian brutality or Russian provocations not only violates our conscience, but invites escalating aggression in the future.

And each side can point to history to support its claims, but I believe neither view fully speaks to the demands of this moment. It is absolutely true that in the 21st century, American isolationism is not an option. We don’t have a choice to ignore what happens beyond our borders. If nuclear materials are not secure, that poses a danger to American citizens.

   美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬：謝謝！非常感謝！謝謝！謝謝卡斯蘭將軍的介紹！特雷納將軍、克拉克將軍、西點(diǎn)軍校的教職工們，你們一直以來(lái)都是這所令人自豪的學(xué)府的優(yōu)秀管理者，也是美國(guó)陸軍新晉軍官的杰出導(dǎo)師。

我要向陸軍領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層表示感謝，包括陸軍部長(zhǎng)麥克休將軍以及參謀長(zhǎng)奧迪耶諾將軍，同時(shí)也要感謝到場(chǎng)的杰克?里德參議員，他是西點(diǎn)軍校引以為榮的畢業(yè)生之一。2014級(jí)的畢業(yè)生們，祝賀你們承接了西點(diǎn)軍魂的使命。

   在你們當(dāng)中，有美國(guó)首支女子指揮團(tuán)隊(duì)，包括艾琳?墨登和奧斯丁?波洛夫?？ɡ?格萊文展現(xiàn)了一位羅茲學(xué)者的風(fēng)采，而喬希?赫貝克則證明了西點(diǎn)的精準(zhǔn)度遠(yuǎn)在三分線之外。（笑聲）

   全體學(xué)員們，請(qǐng)安心度過(guò)你們?cè)谖鼽c(diǎn)的最后時(shí)光，我以最高統(tǒng)帥的名義在此赦免所有因犯輕罪而關(guān)禁閉的學(xué)員。（笑聲、掌聲）

   容我說(shuō)一句，我當(dāng)學(xué)生的時(shí)候，可從未有人這么做過(guò)。

   我知道，你們和我一樣都要向自己的家人表示感謝。喬?狄摩斯是本屆畢業(yè)生詹姆斯的父親，他給我來(lái)信講訴你們所作出的犧牲，也道出了許多父母的心聲。他寫道：“在我們的內(nèi)心深處，我們?yōu)樗麄兞⒅緢?bào)效國(guó)家而感到無(wú)比自豪。”和多位畢業(yè)生一樣，詹姆斯也是位戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)老兵。我請(qǐng)今天在座的各位起立，向我們當(dāng)中的老兵，也向250多萬(wàn)曾在伊拉克和阿富汗服役的美國(guó)人及其家屬致敬。（掌聲）

   這是繼數(shù)天前陣亡將士紀(jì)念日后的又一個(gè)極有意義的時(shí)刻，讓美國(guó)人民得以回想那些為我們的自由作出巨大犧牲的英雄。你們將是自911恐怖襲擊以來(lái)，第一屆不會(huì)被派到伊拉克或阿富汗參戰(zhàn)的畢業(yè)生。（歡呼聲、掌聲）

   2009年，我首次在西點(diǎn)發(fā)表演講時(shí)，我們?nèi)杂?0萬(wàn)多名士兵駐扎在伊拉克，也正準(zhǔn)備增兵阿富汗。而我們的反恐重心則是基地組織的核心頭目——正是他們發(fā)動(dòng)了911恐怖襲擊。此外，我們的國(guó)家正開(kāi)始一段擺脫大蕭條以來(lái)最嚴(yán)重經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)的漫長(zhǎng)歷程。

   四年半以后，就在你們畢業(yè)之際，情況已發(fā)生了轉(zhuǎn)變。我們已從伊拉克撤軍，正逐步結(jié)束阿富汗的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。潛伏在巴基斯坦和阿富汗邊境地區(qū)的基地組織頭目已被斬草除根，而奧薩馬?本?拉登也早已命喪黃泉。（歡呼聲、掌聲）在經(jīng)歷了這一切之后，我們又將關(guān)注重心調(diào)整到美國(guó)實(shí)力的重要源頭上來(lái)，這個(gè)源頭就是不斷發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟(jì)，為每一個(gè)愿意努力工作并愿意承擔(dān)起家國(guó)責(zé)任的人提供機(jī)會(huì)。

事實(shí)上，與世界上其他國(guó)家相比，美國(guó)在很多方面都處于強(qiáng)勢(shì)地位。有些人持不同觀點(diǎn)，他們認(rèn)為美國(guó)正在衰弱或正失去世界的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位，這些人不是對(duì)歷史存在誤讀，就是陷入了黨派政治的泥潭。

你們想一想，我們的軍隊(duì)天下無(wú)敵，任何國(guó)家對(duì)我們構(gòu)成直接威脅的幾率極小，而且與我們?cè)诶鋺?zhàn)時(shí)期所面臨的危險(xiǎn)相差甚遠(yuǎn)。同時(shí)，我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)活力仍居世界第一，企業(yè)的創(chuàng)新性也名列前茅。我們的能源獨(dú)立性都在逐年增強(qiáng)。從歐洲到亞洲，我們是各國(guó)有史以來(lái)無(wú)人能敵的聯(lián)盟軸心。

美國(guó)將繼續(xù)吸納奮發(fā)圖強(qiáng)的外國(guó)移民。我們的建國(guó)理念激勵(lì)著各國(guó)議會(huì)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，也激勵(lì)著世界各地在公共廣場(chǎng)上發(fā)起的新運(yùn)動(dòng)。當(dāng)臺(tái)風(fēng)襲擊菲律賓的時(shí)候，當(dāng)尼日利亞女學(xué)生遭到綁架的時(shí)候，當(dāng)蒙面歹徒攻占烏克蘭政府大樓的時(shí)候，全世界都翹首以待美國(guó)的援助之手。（掌聲）因此，美國(guó)始終是一個(gè)無(wú)可取代的國(guó)家，上個(gè)世紀(jì)如此，下個(gè)世紀(jì)亦是如此。

但是，如今的世界瞬息萬(wàn)變。這為我們帶來(lái)了機(jī)遇，也帶來(lái)了新的危險(xiǎn)。911恐怖襲擊事件讓我們清楚地認(rèn)識(shí)到，科技和全球化發(fā)展是如何讓原本由國(guó)家掌控的權(quán)力落入個(gè)人之手，令恐怖分子為非作歹的。

不久前，俄羅斯派兵入侵前蘇聯(lián)加盟共和國(guó)——烏克蘭，這一軍事動(dòng)作牽動(dòng)歐洲各國(guó)神經(jīng)，與此同時(shí)，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)崛起及其軍事走向則引發(fā)鄰國(guó)擔(dān)憂。

從巴西到印度，新興中產(chǎn)階級(jí)在與我們展開(kāi)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，此外，各國(guó)謀求在國(guó)際事務(wù)中爭(zhēng)取更多話語(yǔ)權(quán)。盡管發(fā)展中國(guó)家擁護(hù)民主、認(rèn)同市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)，但全天候新聞以及社交媒體報(bào)道使得人們無(wú)法對(duì)接連發(fā)生在這些國(guó)家的派系沖突、國(guó)家衰敗與民眾暴動(dòng)等事件視而不見(jiàn)。然而，這些對(duì)于上一代人而言，只能引來(lái)他們的“側(cè)目”罷了。

如何能在新形勢(shì)下有所作為的重?fù)?dān)就要落在你們這一代的肩上了。擺在我們面前的問(wèn)題，不是美國(guó)是否處在領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位，而是她將如何引領(lǐng)各國(guó)；不只是美國(guó)能否實(shí)現(xiàn)繁榮發(fā)展，而是她如何能在全球范圍內(nèi)“播撒”和平與繁榮的“種子”，而這也是你們將來(lái)要面對(duì)的問(wèn)題。

這個(gè)問(wèn)題并非新鮮。至少，自喬治?華盛頓就任總司令——即美國(guó)爆發(fā)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)以來(lái)，就存在一些警告的聲音，表示反對(duì)美國(guó)卷入與本國(guó)國(guó)家安全或經(jīng)濟(jì)福祉無(wú)直接關(guān)聯(lián)的外部紛爭(zhēng)之中。

現(xiàn)在，那些自詡為現(xiàn)實(shí)主義者的人認(rèn)為，美國(guó)無(wú)需理會(huì)發(fā)生在敘利亞、烏克蘭，以及中非共和國(guó)的沖突。的確，在經(jīng)受了戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)以及來(lái)自國(guó)內(nèi)的多重挑戰(zhàn)之后，這種觀點(diǎn)為許多美國(guó)人所認(rèn)同，這并不意外。

然而，干涉主義者對(duì)此持不同觀點(diǎn)。他們認(rèn)為，無(wú)視這些沖突最終會(huì)危及我們自身，美國(guó)在全球充當(dāng)“世界警察”角色的意愿能夠最徹底地保衛(wèi)世界安全，使其免于陷入混亂。而若美國(guó)對(duì)敘利亞的暴亂或俄羅斯的挑釁撒手不管、無(wú)所作為的話，那么這不僅違背我們的良心，也會(huì)使得這些行徑在未來(lái)愈演愈烈。

盡管雙方的觀點(diǎn)從歷史角度看都成立，但我認(rèn)為他們并沒(méi)有充分反映當(dāng)前形勢(shì)下的需求。顯然，對(duì)21世紀(jì)的美國(guó)而言，孤立主義行不通。我們無(wú)法對(duì)發(fā)生在世界其他地區(qū)的事情漠然視之。例如，如果核燃料不安全，那么它就會(huì)威及美國(guó)人民的生命。